artisan of remains
burns with rage and cold
as she tenderly
picks through the remnants of her dead,
salvages the shroud of her husband
the trousers left after the absences
submerges herself in cloth of foaming, silent blood
sovereign over her adobe hut,
her ragged scraps
and determined to tell her story
truer than the tale woven by her
Disruptive and beautiful she
puts together her flayed remnants
like a greenish and forgotten skin
and with her disguised thimble
hidden in the pocket of her modest apron
and her harmless needle
she conjures up victorious armies
embroiders humble people smiling, become triumphant
brings the dead back to life
fabricates water, bell towers, schools, dining rooms
and the Cordillera of the Andes
peaks opening like portals
of this splendid city.
– Marjorie Agosin
Marjorie Agosín’s powerful words describe arpilleristas (pronounced “ar-pee-yer-east-ahs”). These women created three dimensional textiles called arpilleras, which literally translates to burlap in English; these textiles tell stories to express the pain and sorrow that grew out of military oppression in Chile. Eventually, Arpilleristas created vibrantly colorful wall hangings to denounce the Pinochet regime’s excessive use of force against the people of Chile. Although these women where concerned about human rights they started the arpillera movement without the intent that it would become a movement. They needed money and had pent up frustration and fear. Many people, mainly men, disappeared, at the same time unemployment rose, causing many women to become the main economic source for their households. The social political climate gave birth to the arpillera movement. Many women who had little to no political involvement prior to the movement became civic guerrillas who refused to be silenced. Hidden under the cloak of womanhood, arpilleristas’ works became political statements when political opposition was forbidden. Through arpilleras, they denounced economic policies and human rights abuses. Together they formed a movement for change. Success hinged on unification, the ability to spread their stories, and their status as women. Their textiles provided testimony for the world, denounced the government, and shaped public memory.
During this turbulent time, many people turned to the Roman Catholic Church for help and guidance as it was central to Chilean culture. “Church leaders mobilized quickly in response to the situation. Under the sponsorship of Cardinal Raúl Silva Herinquez, they formed the Pro-Paz (For Peace) group for human rights.” Even though Catholic leaders led the coalition, they were not the only ones in Chile who saw the need and decided to act on it. This confederation of churches started the first lists of the disappeared. It also organized craft-based programs for the community. Pro-Paz provided a program for the Agrupación de Familiares de Detenidos-Desaparecidos (Association of the Families of the Detained or Disappeared, AFDD). Pro-Paz knew that brutal repression and a failing economy augmented the suffering of Chileans. “The unemployment that struck the Chilean family with devastating force and plunged it into misery and hunger was the wellspring behind the emergence of the arpillera makers.” The combination of the need to support the family and the sorrow of loved ones lost gave birth the arpillera movement. These women did not start creating arpilleras as political activists; Pro-Paz organized this group as a way to sooth individual sorrow and as a subsistence activity. The organic evolution of the movement started with only 14 women and grew into thousands. Tragedy struck each woman and, “the most damaging stress is often cumulative.” Each arpillerista’s pain and uncertainty amalgamated with the others; alone they were exhausted and weighed down by their fear but as a group they became strong and resilient. Due to the multitude of los desaparecidos, the phrase “¿Dónde Están?” (where are they?) became a common question that the arpilleras asked.
This explicitly political question illustrates the way in which personal suffering of individual women became a unified opposition to the regime’s official story. Some have posited that these women had thought of making a public statement right away; after all, they had suffered greatly at the hands of a brutal military regime. I grant that this is a possibility; however, I think that it overlooks a few key factors. First, there were relatively few scared and desperate women at the advent of the arpillerista group created by Pro-Paz. As women who lived in poblaciones (shantytowns), they did not have a strong political voice previously. This would suggest that they would not have a feeling of political agency. One woman even said that she did not think that anyone would purchase the arpilleras because she didn’t think they were pretty enough. Their suffering could have propelled the women into thinking of creating a public statement; however, I contend that they did not articulate this idea fully at the advent of the group. Even when they started selling their arpilleras, “few thought that they would make a difference in the country.” Their strengthening unity and continual success helped them overcome their insecurities as they drove each other into action and allowed the movement to grow. To stop what the Pinochet junta thought was subversive action, it forced Pro-Paz to dissolve in 1975, only two years after it started.
As a response to the government’s repression and the realization that many families would suffer without communal support, Cardinal Henriquez created La Vicaría de la Solidaridad (the Vicariate of Solidarity; hereinafter Vicariate) under the auspices of the Catholic Church. As a haven from the authoritarian regime, the Vicariate continued with the goals of Pro-Paz. The 1925 Constitution allowed for freedom of assembly and the creation of groups of civil society. At various points in the dictatorship, the regime suspended these clauses, but the Catholic Church effectively used its moral authority to ensure that they could organize in this way. Additionally, Pinochet claimed to be a Catholic and with the majority subscribing to the Catholic religion, he hesitated to dissolve an institution created and supported by the Catholic Church. Even with these factors reinforcing the Church’s authority in these matters, the path was not easy. The government employed a campaign of silence by threatening people and warning them not to talk about what happened, “‘especially to the Church’…The silencing campaign included disturbing home visits to relatives of the disappeared, menacing interrogations with pressure to do work of cooperation, and visits to confirm the identity of persons who signed a petition prodding the Supreme Court about the disappeared.”
Even with threats from the government, arpillerista workshops continued to function, because they were under the aegis of the Catholic Church. This provided women with a small income and a purpose. After the arpilleristas finished a project, the Vicariate bought the finished textiles and began selling them to people in other countries. This was a way for women to gain much needed income as well as strength to continue. The environment in which they worked gave them a feeling of normalcy and of security while national chaos ensued. The women told their stories to each other, knowing that they had mutual understanding and trust; they told their stories to each other without fear of informants telling the government. In the atmosphere of these workshops their fear dissipated.
With the help of the Catholic Church they embraced their gender roles and become producers of traditionally feminine crafts. These women united to push for truth through the use of needle, thread, tiny pieces of cloth, and community. At first the military ignored them; after all, they were only women working in the female domain and beneath their notice. Their machismo made them blind; however, the blindness did not last. As the movement grew and became more publicized so did scrutiny of the arpilleras.
On September 11, 1973, a coup led by General Augusto Pinochet succeeded in Chile. After a short armed resistance, the elected president, Salvador Allende, committed suicide; the military force bombed La Moneda, the presidential palace, and took over the country. General Pinochet, the Commander-in-Chief of the military took control of the government and appointed himself president. Directly following the coup, the military detained 5,000 political prisoners in the Stadium of Santiago de Chile. Within the first month, of the military regime, the military junta confined 45,000 people. “Pinochet appointed Colonel Manuel Contreras to head a new secret police organization”, called the Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (National Intelligence Directorate, DINA) who reported directly to him. Extermination of all possible political dissidence characterized this institution. Even though Pinochet denied the use of torture, he has been noted as saying that “you have to torture them, because without it they don’t sing. Torture is necessary to extirpate communism.” The junta committed what Steve Stern calls politicide, the systematic torture and killing of political opposition, in the name of national security. This repression allowed Pinochet to brutally control the country for sixteen years. Many Latin American governments, including the Chilean government, participated in a new form of terror when disappearances became a way of operating. The hidden victims of the government came to be known as los desaparacidos (the disappeared).
Although Chile had a long tradition of democracy, many Chilean citizens initially supported the junta’s takeover of the government. These people thought of Pinochet as a liberator from economic failure and the civil unrest that occurred during Salvadore Allende’s tenure as president. Their fears stemmed from the dramatic economic and social changes Allende ushered in. “He froze prices, raised minimum wages, and subsidized the prices of staples like milk…he nationalized the coal and steel industries, the majority of banks, and other firms and businesses.” His changes increased the standard of living for many poverty stricken people, but the government did not increase production to match their consumption; this caused a scarcity of goods. Predictably, people began to hoard, investments dwindled, and Chileans stopped investing. Leftist activists began property seizures violently and some believed that “revolutionary activists given free rein by the government [were] prepared to seize power in a violent civil war” which escalated the chaos. Allende did not advocate violence, but by not stopping the takeovers some saw him as either condoning them or being too weak and irresponsible to control them; either way they thought he had to go.
The United States’ Intelligence Agency (CIA) intensified the “coup climate” that the Chilean public created. The CIA “admitted to spending $7 million dollars in Chile between 1970 and 1973…The United States also used its influence at the World Bank to deny loans to Chile.” Their goal was to make the economy “scream” and to cause destabilization in Chilean society. U.S. president Richard Nixon directed them to do this because he agreed with Henry Kissinger when he said that Allende’s election “poses for us one of the most serious challenges ever faced in this hemisphere.” The justification for their intervention was Allende’s election proved that Marxism could spread by democratic means and the communist “infection” could sweep the rest of Latin America. The Nixon administration celebrated Pinochet’s overthrow of Allende.
“The administration shipped the economic largesse to Chile that had been denied to the Allende government…Between 1974 and 1976, Chile received $132 million in Food for Peace grants.” This helped the new government truthfully claim to have turned the economy around. However, this claim like many from the Pinochet regime negates to mention key points. Along with foreign aid, “they produced the conditions for economic growth on the backs of the underprivileged, which were treated as the disposable sector of the population.” This means that even though some people’s economic fortune increased, many others lost jobs and housing. Some of the initial supporters became dissenters when the government started targeting them as well. Even the downturn of the economy and state repression did not stop some people from viewing Pinochet as a hero. Although I wanted to acknowledge those that supported and still support what happened under the dictatorship, this document will focus on those that opposed the military junta and Pinochet.
Arpilleristas Fight for Truth:
Pinochet used the strong belief that Chileans had in due process and their trust in the government to protect their constitutional rights against them. “In 1973, many victims voluntarily turned themselves in when they appeared on arrest lists. This illustrates the drastic change in the political structure. Pinochet’s government as a regime held ultimate power over the citizens; he used that power to commit government sponsored murder also known as democide. Most democides occur under the cover of war, or in their aftermath. Pinochet’s violent takeover of Chile and subsequent repression was a war on subversives. Opposition to the new status quo, such as the arpilleras, was essential in the quest for truth and how to narrative these events. Arpilleras narrated forbidden stories that people lived through. The visible representations of Chilean life experiences begged for people to question the actions of the government. Those questions were necessary to garner the truth and press the government toward change. Arpilleristas were brave women who defied their repressive government in order to bring about change, and they continued to fight against the official memories that denied wrong doings.
The creation of arpilleras in Chile started as a way to sooth the agony of the disappearance of loved ones and to augment the household income. Women participated in this to survive both emotionally and physically. “For people in need of rescue and care, the hop of being able to tell their story is sometimes the only hope.” These women created arpilleras to tell their stories; this was a form of protest against what was happening in their country, to their people, by their government. Their protest expanded beyond creating arpilleras. “They initiated street protests and hunger strikes, baked secret messages into loaves of bread, marched every Thursday to the building of the Supreme Court wearing photos of their missing ones on their chests”, and chained themselves to the fence surrounding the Supreme Court and the door of Pinochet’s house as well as other tactical places in Santiago. Chaining themselves to the fence symbolized the confinement their loved ones experienced. The women refused to let them be forgotten; this is why they wore pictures of the desaparecidos. This was their way to say that the desaparecidos did exist, and they would be remembered. Arpilleristas gained confidence in unity which was a precursor to more public and vocal forms of resistance. As the women escalated their efforts in unraveling the government’s lies so did the oppressive techniques of the military against them. In response to their subversion, “they are beaten by police or interrogated about the whereabouts of their children, they never let the jailors see them cry.” They protested in spite of government reprisals because of the importance for truth and transparent government. In actuality, the continued denials and persecution from the government unintentionally strengthened the women’s resolve.
“One of the most important premises of contemporary human rights work is that effective dissemination of information can change the world.” Their attempts to be heard succeeded. Different countries began to take notice. First, by selling the arilleras to different countries and with newspaper articles and the books Marjorie Agosín wrote about the movement. Then with publicity of their more overt expressions of resistance.
Gender Dimensions of Mass Violence:
The government did not kill all of their political opponents; at times they exiled them. “Many foreign countries willingly accepted Chilean exiles; in turn, those in exile established relationships with people and institutions in those countries, further publicizing Chile’s plight. Although far from their homeland, many men and women stayed politically active by organizing the opposition from abroad, creating a worldwide network of Chilean solidarity groups.” In creating a Chilean diaspora the regime helped create an international support network for the women’s movement within Chile. As the majority of the desaparecidos and exiles were men, it was the women who carried the role of responding to the violence. The “glaring demographic disparity in the proportion of surviving women versus men” caused women to step into the political arena. The fear that more men would become desaparecidos caused many women to ask men to sit out of protests. Several men felt that they would look ridiculous participating in the same kinds of protests as the women because “there are certain things that men do not do”. Machismo was an attribute most men on both sides subscribe to. For these reasons, it was the women who posited an alternative to the never ending terror of Pinochet’s terror.
So often, “we are deluged with facts but we have lost or are losing our human ability to feel them.” Arpilleras evoke feeling and arouse empathy by juxtaposing colorful cloths on traumatic stories. They use remnants of cloth from the desaparecidos and at times leave notes in pockets that they create in the arpilleras; these elements trigger emotions as they call for action. Their creative way of preserving memory puts them in a special place in the memory culture that emerged in Chile after the dictatorship. They were different from other victims because they found a way to nonviolently fight back as a unified group. Furthermore, what makes them remarkable is that they continue to protest. These women will continue to fight and protest until everyone is accounted for. “This new political eruption born of personal tragedy and sorrow will not be dissipated. It will continue burning within the hearts of each of these women, transformed now into women warriors for peace, for justice, and for truth.” During and after the dictatorship, the arpilleristas played an important role in shaping national memory by continuously disrupting the official story.
Chile arrived at a culture of ‘memory impasse’…Cultural belief by a majority in the truth of cruel human rupture and persecution under dictatorship, and in the moral urgency of justice, unfolded alongside political belief that Pinochet, the military and their social bases of supporters and sympathizers remained too strong for Chile to take logical ‘next steps’ along the road of truth and justice.
After the Pinochet regime fell, the people who remained in power tried to impose their beliefs onto the rest of Chile thereby silencing the victims once more. Various groups, including the arpilleristas, would continue to put pressure on the official memory. The different versions of emblematic memories push against each other. By ignoring dissident voices, the nation could not take steps towards healing. Before the contention of various emblematic memories came to be, the government gave an official story which was generally accepted by the masses. Contentious realities eventually pushed into the public domain. Stern describes the evolution of Chilean memories in four ways: memory as salvation, memory as rupture, memory as persecution and awakening, and the memory of indifference. Arpilleristas come from two of these memory groups and directly confront the other two.
Initially, many people viewed the overthrow of Allende as salvation. They saw President Allende’s policies as a trauma which created social and economic crisis. Dramatic changes in Chile caused people to support a coup. Early supporters of the Pinochet regime, those who saw his intervention as a salvation of the country, refused to believe that the disappearances occurred, but then in 1979 a mine in Loquén revealed a mass grave of 119 people. The arpilleristas drew from publicly known cases to illustrate that they were all unified by their experiences. Using the Loquén case allowed women to latch onto a national tragedy in addition to personal ones; no one could refute the democide. When the state sponsored executions and disappearances came to light, those that subscribed as “memory as salvation” altered their story to justify the government’s actions. They maintained that “the cost in deaths would have been far worse if the military refrained from intervention” and that even though “deaths were lamentable …they constituted the social cost of setting the country right.” Their justification is that killing these people ultimately saved lives. They overlook the fact that, “when people feel pressured to hide bodies…this creates ‘a larger physical trail of behavior that shows the perpetrators knew that what they were doing was illegal.” Arpilleras are proof that not everyone agrees with the rhetoric of “memory as salvation”. The women prove that “memory as salvation” is not embraced by everyone by claiming that their sons, daughters, mothers, and fathers were victims not criminals. They argue that they did not need to die. Vivid pictures of people pleading for the violence to stop and military personnel brutally killing people, clash directly with the view of Pinochet as a hero or the assertion that the deaths were a necessary evil.
Some victims of the regime’s brutality see only its violence and use of torture as a split from Chile’s traditional democracy. For the people who lived through repression, events that occurred long ago seem to have just happened. Their memories are “an open wound, an awful hurt that fails to heal.” There are arpilleristas who cannot cope with their loss. One woman has attempted to complete an arpillera many times but cannot because the emotion becomes too much for her. Several others live as if their children will walk in the door just older. One woman said, “‘I’m in a great rush these days knitting wool socks for Miguel; he can’t go through the winter without wool socks.’ At that time Miguel had been missing for twelve years.” For others, “birthday celebrations are regularly held for the disappeared children. The whole neighborhood is invited, making it a very festive occasion, just as if the missing one were present.”
- Memory as persecution and awakening:
Those experiencing memory as persecution and awakening remember the era of Pinochet control as one of repression; however, they also believe that social awakening grew from the repression to counter the regime’s hold. The government’s constant denial of the detention, torture, murder and disappearance of thousands of people exacerbated the torment felt by those left behind. Many Chileans experienced victimization bust some of them became strong under the tyranny and gained agency as they fought against their oppressors. “Pride…can actually help us to recover from traumatic stressors.” The arpilleristas were able to tell their story of resistance and have dignity for their actions. Many of them fit into this category, because they fought and continue to fight. “The themes of disappeared bodies and social and economic justice continue to be a vital part of these workshops. However, other themes are displacing them such as the themes of silence and the recovering of history.” Events changed these women; they became political actors, warriors of change, and they will not revert to the way they were before.
The people who embrace the “memory of indifference” have a will to forget. Some want to put it in the past because they do not feel touched by the oppression. Others feel guilt and want to bury it. The national rhetoric states that in order to recover Chileans need to forget the past and move on, that remembering the horrors in the past would hinder any potential of reconciliation in the present or future. Arpilleristas refuse to forget los desaparecidos and they forcefully push for national recognition of the atrocity. They believe that a healthy country cannot build on an unknown past, that they must accept what they do know and search for information to fill in the gaps of national ignorance.
According to Steve Stern, memory effects sociopolitical legitimacy by either supporting it or eroding at it. These women questioned the legitimacy of their government’s actions and imbedded the questions in the minds of other Chileans as well as people around the world. They were able to shape the emblematic memory by causing “knots in the social body” that would not go away.
…a memory knot is a metaphor inspired by the human body. Consider a knot in the stomach when one is nervous, a lump in the throat when one is moved, a nerve-and-muscle mass that spasms and cries out for relief. Such bodily events break the ‘normal’ flow of everyday life and habit…Memory knots on the social body also interrupt the normal flow of ‘unthinking’ reflexes and habits. They force charged issues of memory and forgetfulness into a public domain.
Arpilleristas kept memory alive with needle, thread, and scraps of cloth and now those memories are shared around the world.
As a consequence of the military junta’s policy of silencing Chileans there is a cavity in the national memory. The arpilleristas point to the lies and half-truths of the government. They want to fill in the gaps of memory, this was difficult in a time when they too could disappear and it is still difficult because they are fighting against “memory as salvation” and “memory of indifference”. Arpilleristas use “their stitches [to] aid the process of retelling. Arpilleras are not static. Stitching is an active process different from memorials or monuments, which capture a specific time and place.” The difference between arpilleras and memorials or monuments is how they evoke emotion. Arpilleras are sturdy and meant for people to touch them; they call out for connection and empathy. “The arpillera weaves a relationship with the receiver…[who] looks at it over and over again, and in the power of this glace espouses rituals and imagines the body of the disappeared.” Some of the small pieces of cloth that arpilleristas sew together come from their loved ones. Every piece means something individually, but together they tell a narrative entrenched in pain and misery, a narrative that asks for truth.
This post is the result of a semester’s worth of research from two classes. The first class, The History and Theory of Genocide, addressed both macro-theories and micro-theories while focusing on specific case studies. The second class, Rethinking the Cold War from Las Américas, we analyzed the “hot” conflicts during the second half of the twentieth century in Latin America by analyzing four prominent cases: Guatemala in 1954, the Cuban Revolution, the “Chilean Path to Socialism” in the early 1970s, and Central America in the 1980s. I wanted to make connections between the classes and use the information I learned to write about the arpillera resistance movement. I took a side step from genocide and decided to talk about politicide instead. The classes have themes in common; we explored the consequences of democide as well as how people think and remember unthinkable historic events.
Resistance to mass atrocity can take many forms. In Chile, women resisted the oppressive military government and struggled to shape memory during and after the time when the government silenced dissenting voices. Pinochet approved the official story which stated that the government did not participate in disappearing people. After proof came out proving that to be false, the story changed to say that they disappeared people to keep the nation secure. They claimed that Communist promoted this propaganda to destabilize Chile. Because some women persisted in preserving the memory of los desaparecidos “the arpilleras now stand as bold and bright testimonials of truth, monuments made of cloth, and patchwork documentation of history that refuses to recede…these unique tapestries chronicle a past that remains very much alive and relevant in the present.” Women adopted the method of subaltern resistance against national security state repression by embracing society’s gender roles and altering their purpose. The “amalgamation of voices and histories appearing in a humble fabric made by the hands of mothers, daughters, sisters, and wives” reached an international audience. They continued creating arpilleras as they progressed to more overt shows of resistance.
Even with physical proof, memory, and the international community’s acceptance of the severe government oppression the “The Chilean military continues to obstruct justice by withholding evidence on the fate of many victims, and pressing for a punto final – an endpoint – to legal investigations that would locate the missing, identify the guilty, and bring them to justice…Many in Chile’s modernizing society would prefer to forget the horrors of the past, even if those horrors can no longer be denied.” Many Chileans need full disclosure and acknowledgement of the past in order to heal, and until they overcome “memory impasse” their sense of suspension will not fade.
Marjorie Agosín. Tapestries of Hope, Threads of Love 2nd edition. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2008. (p. 43)
According to Baldez, this happened quickly, in October 1973. It was not only the Catholic Church. Pro-Paz was an alliance of ‘Catholic, Lutheran, Baptist, Methodist, Methodist Pentecostal and Greek Orthodox Churches, and the Jewish community’. p. 129.
 That the World May Know, 88.
 Tapestries of Hope, 24.
 Steve Stern. Battling for Hearts and Minds, 122
 Michael E. Tigar, Thinking about Terrorism: The Threat to Civil Liberties in a Time of National Emergency.
American Bar Association, 2007. ( 37-38)
 Steve Stern. Remembering Pinochet’s Chile: On the Eve of London, 1998. 2004. Durham: Duke University Press, 44
 Stephen G. Rabe. The Killing Zone: The United States Wages Cold War in Latin America. 2012. New York: Oxford University Press, 139.
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, 28.
 The Killing Zone, 134.
 Tapestries of Hope, ix
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, xxii.
 R.J. Rummel. Death by Government, 22.
 James Dawes. That the World May Know: Bearing Witness to Atrocity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2007. p. 2.
 This is similar to the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires. They still march.
 Tapestries of Hope, 44-45, 50-51
 Marjorie Agosín. Scraps of Life: Chilean Arpilleras: Chilean Women and the Pinochet Dictatorship. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 1987. Print. p. 10.
 That the World May Know, 9.
 Adam Jones. Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction 2nd expanded edition. 2010: Routledge, London. 469.
 Scraps of Life: Chilean Arpilleras, 9.
 That the World May Know, 67.
 Scraps of Life: Chilean Arpilleras, 11.
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, xxx-xxxi
 Tapestries of Hope, 51.
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, 29.
 That the World May Know, 70.
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, 42.
 Tapestries of Hope, 47.
 That the World May Know, 142.
 Remembering Pinochet’s Chile, 89.
 Tapestries of Hope,17
Agosin, Margorie. Scraps of Life Chilean Arpilleras: Chilean Women and the Pinochet Dictatorship. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 1987.
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Keck, Margaret E., and Kathryn Sikkink. Activists beyond borders: advocacy networks in international politics. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998.
Lowden, Pamela. Moral opposition to authoritarian rule in Chile, 1973-90. New York: St. Marin’s Press, 1996.
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Randall, Margaret. When I Look into the Mirror and See You: Women, Terror, and Resistance. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 2003.
Rummel, R. J. “169,198,000 Murdered Summary and Conclusion.” In Death by government, by R. J. Rummel, 1-28. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1994.
Stern, Steve. Battling for hearts and minds: memory struggles in Pinochet’s Chile, 1973-1988. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006.
Stern, Steve. Remembering Pinochet’s Chile: On the Eve of London, 1998. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.
Winn, Peter. The Furies of the Andes: Violence and Terror in the Chilean Revolution and Counterrevolution. n.d.